by Rachel Mason, adapted from Nancy Yaw Davis’s 1970
article, “The Role of the Russian Orthodox Church in Five Pacific Eskimo
Villages as Revealed by the Earthquake,” in the Committee on the Alaska
Earthquake report The Great Alaska Earthquake of 1964, Human Ecology Volume,
Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, pp. 125-146.
The Great Alaska
Earthquake was a terrible disaster for residents of five Alutiiq villages in
Prince William Sound and the Kodiak Archipelago. It destroyed the Alaska Native
(then known to themselves as Aleut, to the academic community as Pacific
Eskimo, and today known as Alutiiq or Sugpiaq) villages of Chenega, Kaguyak,
and Afognak, and greatly damaged Old Harbor and Ouzkinkie.
Anthropologist Nancy
Yaw Davis lived in Anchorage at the time of the Great Alaska Earthquake in
1964. In the following weeks, she interviewed residents of the destroyed
village of Kaguyak and the nearly destroyed village of Old Harbor who had been
evacuated to Red Cross-operated shelters in Anchorage. In 1965, she traveled to
interview the residents of three additional Alutiiq communities: Afognak (whose
residents were relocated to Port Lions), Ouzinkie, and Chenega. From the
beginning of her research, it was evident to Davis that the Russian Orthodox Church
played an important role in villagers’ explanations of the disaster and their
willingness to leave the original village and relocate to another site. The research would result in Davis's 1971 doctoral dissertation at the University of Washington: "The Effects of the 1964 Earthquake, Tsunami and Resettlement on Two Koniag Eskimo Villages."
The following excerpts
are from Nancy Yaw Davis’s article in the multi-volume report on the earthquake
published by the National Academy of Sciences. I have focused on the experiences
of the three villages that were completely destroyed and not rebuilt: Chenega,
Kaguyak, and Afognak.
The Importance of the Russian Orthodox Church in Alutiiq villages:
One of the most lasting influences of the Russian period in
Alaska (1742-1847) was the establishment of the Russian Orthodox Church. (p.
128)
In all five villages, the church is a prominent landmark. Each
building is well cared for and often has been constructed on land slightly
higher than the rest of the community. Each church has at least 60 icons. Chenega
reportedly had more than 100 icons. (p. 128)
The only village-wide activities are church-related ones. As
a woman in Chenega said when asked about social activities, “Church is mostly
what we do.” Even in the three villages, Old Harbor, Ouzinkie, and Afognak,
where Protestant missions were gaining support before the earthquake, the
Russian holidays are shared by all the native community. No other institution
touches so many of the people as deeply, consistently, and thoroughly as the
Russian church. (p. 129)
Chenega:
The first wave struck Chenega before the ground had stopped
shaking. The water caught and carried out 23 of the 76 residents, most of their
homes, and their church. (p. 132)
The significance of the church was reflected in the frequent
references made to this institution by the villagers. Several survivors who
were near the church site in the center of the village mentioned seeing the
building crack, bow, and break apart. No other building was mentioned. (p. 132)
Several people said that if the church had stood they would
have stayed in Chenega, but since it was gone, they were willing to be
evacuated to Cordova. (p. 132)
Kaguyak:
Three hundred miles away on Kodiak Island, most of the adult
men of Kaguyak had worked all day on their near church. Immediately after the
earthquake, one of their first concerns was the new building. [The men checking
on the church] looked out a church window just in time to see the first surge
of water coming over the bank. They ran to join the other villagers who were
already scrambling for a small hill behind the village. (pp. 133-134)
[After the third wave, h]ouses were pulled up and forced
into the lake. The first building to go was their new church. This loss,
perhaps more than anything up to that point, upset the people:
“When I see that church I was crying all over the place…And
the wave took it away from us. Nothing left in that village. Everything all
gone.” (pp. 134-135)
Afognak:
[In Afognak, where Protestant missionaries had been
working], the movie King of Kings was
to be shown on Good Friday morning. (p. 135)
When the earthquake began the immediate response in Afognak
was similar in that in each of the other communities: open the doors, turn off
the stove, gather the children, get out of the house, and watch the tides. Moderate
concern was shown for the church building; the lay reader instructed his eldest
son to check on it. When the son reached the church, he was amazed to find that
no oil had been spilled from the altar vessels and only one old icon had fallen.
Soon other people began to gather by the church, “to watch the tides,” they
said. The lay reader’s house became the major center of activity throughout the
night (p. 135)
The Russian church building in Afognak, like that in Old
Harbor, withstood the tsunami well. Although houses near the church were washed
off their foundations and pushed into the trees, the church was not moved. (p.
136)
Relocation:
Like the Chenegans, the people of Kaguyak no longer had a
reason for returning to the site of their former village. About 4 weeks after
the disaster, the Kaguyak people, with the exception of one family and two
unmarried men, had moved to Akhiok…a small village of 90 persons near old
Kaguyak, near the southern tip of Kodiak Island. (p. 138)
Kaguyak and Old Harbor residents remained in Anchorage for 5
to 6 weeks before being relocated [the Old Harbor residents back to their
village]. In Anchorage, one of the first actions of the villagers was to
emphasize to the Red Cross shelter leaders that they were all Russian Orthodox
and did not want to be visited by people from other religious groups. (p. 137)
In Afognak the church was still standing, but it did not
have the same attraction for the village people that the churches in the other
three villages did. More important to Afognak villagers was the fact that their
wells had been contaminated and their roads were being washed away by the tides
that now came up into the village. The building of a new church was only one of
the points raised at the meeting with the Lions International, the 49th District
Lions, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs representatives, who helped the village
move and rebuild. (pp. 138-139)
Explanations:
Unlike the people of Chenega, Kaguyak, and Old Harbor, the
people of Afognak when interviewed did not constantly and spontaneously refer
to their church, nor did the blame the missionaries for the disaster. However,
one older woman is reported to have said, “The reason we are having the
earthquake is because it was Good Friday and they were showing a movie, and God
was mad.” (p. 136)
Explanations were seldom spontaneously volunteered by the
Chenegans, the people most severely affected. Even when asked specifically,
informants usually changed the subject or quietly commented, “I don’t know.” The
question probably was too disturbing to answer. There was an aura of fear. One
person said, “There was something evil down there or something.” In contrast to
the reticent response by Chenegans, Kaguyakans gave frequent, spontaneous, elaborate,
and church-oriented explanations of the disaster. (p. 142)
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